Single Payer Health Care

This video put out by the Clinton campaign hits Barack Obama for moving to the right on health care and not supporting a single payer system now, despite supporting one in 2003.

A logical question that this attack by Clinton on Obama for not supporting a single payer system would be: Is Hillary Clinton’s health care proposal a single payer system?

The answer: No, of course it’s not.

In fact, the link to her health care plan in her issues drop down is “Providing Affordable & Accessible Health Care.” Which could be described as a 300 million payer system.

I’m happy to acknowledge that Clinton has put forward a health care proposal that is somewhat more comprehensive than Barack Obama’s. But it isn’t a single payer system. And while Obama may have moved to the right since 2003 on health care, both Clinton and Obama are in the wrong place on the single payer issue.

In reality, this video is an attack on Obama not on substance, but on changing his position…to the same position as Clinton. It’s cute and well edited and, in the end, a trivial charge (flip-flopping) that only highlights Clinton’s similar wrongness on single payer health care.

A Bad Name

Barack Obama, in last night’s debate, speaking about President Bush and VP Cheney:

“The one good thing that they have done for us is that they have given their party a very bad name.”

Yes. Maybe Obama gets it after all.  Then again, his praising Ronald Reagan and calling the GOP the party of ideas tends to give Republicans a good name.

Let’s just hope the Bush/Cheney line is something we see more of and the awful week of Obama’s GOP praise-fest can be left behind, never to be repeated.

I Don’t Care If It’s Hard

Tristero, writing at Hullabaloo, has a different take on Krugman’s column today on Obama and reminding people that Republicans are wrong:

Krugman’s final point is that all the Dem candidates are missing an excellent opportunity to debunk the rightwing myths that have made it so difficult for liberal, Democratic, and even moderate candidates to wield national influence. I think that is absolutely true. But that is far more difficult for a serious national candidate to do than it is to say. Let’s not forget that in Krugman’s own paper serious people don’t include those favoring withdrawal from Iraq. That means that most of the world, including its political and cultural leaders, do not hold realistic-enough views on Iraq to be worthy of Mr. Gordon’s keen attention.

In other words, the “acceptable” mainstream discourse really is, as the liberal blogosphere has argued since time immemorial, incredibly restricted. It is doubtful that any potential candidate who criticized St. Ron of Hollywood would ever be granted the standing the press has willingly accorded the less-than-worthless Huckabee. To criticize Reagan is the height of unseriousness.

Of course, I’m not saying that’s appropriate. I’m saying that is how corrupted and claustrophobic our public discourse has become. I don’t think any candidate who dared to bash Reagan would receive that much coverage – good, bad, or indifferent. S/he’d be ignored. [emphasis added]

As I see it, Tristero’s point is that criticizing Obama for not taking his unique opportunity as a presidential candidate to reshape how America thinks about the Reagan years is unfair because while Obama should do this, he might lose his veneer of seriousness with the press if it did so. A less charitable reading of this would be that speaking truth to power is hard, so Obama is justified for not doing it. I’m glad Tristero isn’t saying that this is “appropriate,” because I think it’s an awful way for a leader to assess how and when he speaks on a subject.

I think Tristero is probably right about the negative response any criticism of Reagan would receive from the press. But stepping back from the blogger argument about how the media Heathers decide what’s OK and not OK for people to say before they wander off into Kucinich land, I think our concern in this instance should be focused more on the power that a “serious national candidate” has to do and say things that challenge conventional wisdom.

If Barack Obama can’t stand up and speak out on Reagan with his unique platform as a front-running presidential candidate, who ever will be able to? The standards of decorum usually prevent sitting presidents from bashing previous presidents, so don’t expect any ground changing critique of Reagan to come from Obama once he’s in office.

All I’m looking for – and I think Krugman, too – is leadership from Obama. We have a whopping two people in this country that we as progressives and Democrats can hang our hats on to see change brought at the highest levels. Asking Obama and Clinton to act like leaders is not a huge request to put at the feet of people who aim to lead our whole country.

Yesterday Obama proved that he is capable of speaking truth to an audience that may not receive it well. Pam Spaulding at her blog and Stephanie Hunt in the comment here, among others, have suggested that doing so could actually hurt Obama’s chances to win votes in South Carolina. That is as tangible a consequence, if it materializes, as facing a skeptical press.

Tristero is right, there is risk to challenging the conventional wisdom about Ronald Reagan, most of which plays out in how the press will respond to such heresy. But asking someone who purports to be a transformational leader to actually stand up and lead in a transformational way is not only a reasonable request, but a predictable one. Being a leader means doing hard things because they’re the right thing to do and effectively no one else in America has been afforded the same set of tools to speak out on an issue.

I fundamentally disagree with Tristero that it is “far more difficult for a serious national candidate to do than it is to say.” Sure, there will be blowback, but we’re talking about someone who wants to be President of the United States. A national candidate has the microphone needed to say something on a subject that changes the way people think about that issue. A House or Senate candidate can’t do that. Obama has a legion of press that record and replay every word he utters. Every statement or criticism of a bold faced name by Obama becomes a swirling media story that commands attention. If there is someone better suited to challenge the status quo and have the country listen than Barack Obama, I look forward to finding out who that person is.

This Is Not Shrill

Paul Krugman:

This is, in short, a time when progressives ought to be driving home the idea that the right’s ideas don’t work, and never have.

It’s not just a matter of what happens in the next election. Mr. Clinton won his elections, but — as Mr. Obama correctly pointed out — he didn’t change America’s trajectory the way Reagan did. Why?

Well, I’d say that the great failure of the Clinton administration — more important even than its failure to achieve health care reform, though the two failures were closely related — was the fact that it didn’t change the narrative, a fact demonstrated by the way Republicans are still claiming to be the next Ronald Reagan.

Now progressives have been granted a second chance to argue that Reaganism is fundamentally wrong: once again, the vast majority of Americans think that the country is on the wrong track. But they won’t be able to make that argument if their political leaders, whatever they meant to convey, seem to be saying that Reagan had it right. [emphasis added]

Krugman really gets at two points that I’ve been trying to make quite well here. First, Republican ideas for governance, be it in economics, in foreign policy, in social policy, or military matters, just don’t work. Republican administrations leave the American people worse off. This should be cause for Democrats to stand up for what they believe in with pride.

Second, those people with the opportunities to speak out – our presidential candidates – have to be the ones leading by example. John Edwards’ message against corporate power is a good example of what it looks like when a proud Democrat stands up to conventional wisdom about how Republican ideas are right. Edwards has been so successful in that messaging that even Hillary Clinton is co-opting it, as evidence by this New York Times article.

Narratives change when the people with the power to change them step forward to do so. In the Democratic Party, the two people with the greatest power to change how our country thinks about policies are Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton. I’m in agreement with Krugman that Obama’s Reagan comments are troubling (one of my first posts on this blog last week was on the subject). The narrative says Reagan was a good President and Reaganomics worked. But Reagan wasn’t a good President and his policies left our nation in a very bad place.

The best way for Obama or Clinton to frame their administration’s for being treated as successful is for them to take the time now to define what success does and does not look like. Who gets left behind? Who is enriched? What role will the government play in the rise or fall of the poverty rate in America? Answering these questions now by way to trashing everything the Reagan years stand for would be a good way to set the tone for how people can look to whatever either of these Democrats accomplish if the succeed in winning the White House. And if we can recognize this as an important opportunity to be seized by Democrats in 2008, it’s far easier to understand why Obama’s Reagan comments are not only troubling but damaging to his ability to succeed (and be treated as a success) if he is elected President.

More Like This, Please

Pam Spaulding reports on a speech Barack Obama gave today at Ebenezer Baptist Church in Atlanta. This is the church where Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. preached and it is one of the nation’s premier black churches. In the speech, Obama spoke to the black community, calling for them to stand up to bigotry within their community towards gays, Jews, and immigrants. Here’s a passage that stands out:

I’m talking about a moral deficit. I’m talking about an empathy deficit. I’m taking about an inability to recognize ourselves in one another; to understand that we are our brother’s keeper; we are our sister’s keeper; that, in the words of Dr. King, we are all tied together in a single garment of destiny.

It’s not easy to stand in somebody else’s shoes. It’s not easy to see past our differences. We’ve all encountered this in our own lives. But what makes it even more difficult is that we have a politics in this country that seeks to drive us apart – that puts up walls between us.

For most of this country’s history, we in the African-American community have been at the receiving end of man’s inhumanity to man. And all of us understand intimately the insidious role that race still sometimes plays – on the job, in the schools, in our health care system, and in our criminal justice system.

And yet, if we are honest with ourselves, we must admit that none of our hands are entirely clean. If we’re honest with ourselves, we’ll acknowledge that our own community has not always been true to King’s vision of a beloved community.

We have scorned our gay brothers and sisters instead of embracing them. The scourge of anti-Semitism has, at times, revealed itself in our community. For too long, some of us have seen immigrants as competitors for jobs instead of companions in the fight for opportunity.

Every day, our politics fuels and exploits this kind of division across all races and regions; across gender and party. It is played out on television. It is sensationalized by the media. And last week, it even crept into the campaign for President, with charges and counter-charges that served to obscure the issues instead of illuminating the critical choices we face as a nation.

Obama’s full remarks can be read here.

I’ll be honest and say that I don’t know enough about GLBT politics in the African American community to adequately offer my own analysis , so I’ll take Spaulding’s analysis as coming from an authority that I respect with knowledge on it. She writes:

These words are so necessary, but you can best believe he is the only candidate delivering speeches in honor of Dr. King who is willing to say it directly to members of the black community. This topic has always been a perceived as a third rail topic for the other leading Dem candidates, Clinton or Edwards — they are, like many whites, particularly if they see themselves as allies, dread being seen as pointing out the evils and hypocrisy of such bigotry in the black faith community, even as wrong and tragic as it is on its face.

What I see in this and what I hope I can continue to see from Obama is that he recognized that he has a special platform to speak to an important issue and he used took it. I say that not exclusively in reference to his race or how he, as Spaulding says, he is singularly suited to deliver this message to the black community. Rather, for me the importance is in Obama using his platform as a presidential candidate to do more than could be done by people without the privilege of being a front running presidential candidate.

Sometimes leadership means looking around and recognizing that more people will listen to you than to anyone else, that your words will change the national debate, and that it’s your time to step forward and use your unique opportunity to lead before you enter the White House. Barack Obama did that today. I hope he continues to do it on many other issues before many other communities.

I’ll even suggest one for him: join Chris Dodd to filibuster retroactive immunity if it comes before the Senate this week.

Bush v. Gore, Nevada Caucus Edition

While I was on my way out to dinner last night, something very interesting happened: Barack Obama secured more delegates from Nevada than Hillary Clinton. Disconnected from the outcome of the popular vote, the Nevada Democratic Party awards delegates on a geographically weighted basis.

Chris Bowers at Open Left makes a strong case for why we need to recognize that Barack Obama won Nevada and Hillary Clinton did not (as well as why we need to call Iowa Obama/Clinton/Edwards and New Hampshire a tie between Obama and Clinton).

Imagine if, the day after the 2000 election, the national media simply didn’t care about what happened in Florida, and instead acted as though Al Gore had won the election because he won the popular vote. Imagine if all cries from the Bush campaign about something called “The Electoral College” fell on deaf ears, and everyone just acted like Gore won and the popular vote was the only thing that mattered. States? Who cares about the results of individual states? Only the popular vote matters, dummies!

While that would have been perfectly fine with me, since I think the Electoral College is an anti-democratic institution that favors the will of geographic areas over the will of American citizens, it isn’t what happened. The reason it isn’t what happened is that everyone knows Presidency in America is determined by electoral votes, not popular votes. As such, electoral votes, not popular votes, are the main focus during any Presidential general election.

However, today the media decided that the Electoral College doesn’t matter, and because Al Gore won the popular vote he won the election. Or, more accurately, the media decided that because more delegates to the Nevada state Democratic Party convention in April indicated they would support Clinton than Obama, it doesn’t matter that the way the state delegates are arranged by geography actually projects to Barack Obama sending more pledged delegates from Nevada to the Democratic National Convention. Just as the Constitution indicates that the Electoral College, not the popular vote, determines the winner of the Presidency, Democratic Party by-laws make it quite clear that delegates to the national convention, not the popular vote and not delegates to the state convention, determine the winner of the presidential nomination campaign. Strangely, however, even though Obama is projected to win the most delegates to the national convention, Clinton is projected as the winner.

Bowers goes on to make two points that I whole heartily agree with:

First, the Democratic presidential nomination system is not particularly democratic, since the system of delegate selection is different than the concept of one person one vote. Second, I have learned that the national media is not actually covering the Democratic presidential nomination campaign.

I woke up prepared to write a post defending Clinton’s win on the popular vote because it was decisive and because the majority of delegates Obama is likely to get remains a projection for the time being. But it isn’t the popular vote in a particular primary that gets sent to a massive tally board at the Democratic National Convention. If that were the case the Democratic primary would effectively be determined by national popular vote, excepting for the states that hold caucuses. Of course, that’s not what happens.

Likewise, the argument against Obama not retaining delegates who will vote for him between now and May when Nevada’s 25 delegates are chosen is premised on a disjointed assumption: there will be a clear frontrunner by May and it will not be Barack Obama. Making that assumption today about who delegates coming from Nevada to the DNC will be in support of based on who wins subsequent primaries outside of Nevada strikes me as contrary to the point of having a democratic event on January 19th in Nevada to determine apportionment of delegates to the DNC.

If the media was really covering the nomination of the Democratic Party’s choice for President, they would have reported Obama as the winner of Nevada. Unless and until the Nevada delegate selection in May produces a block of delegates that is for Clinton in larger numbers than Obama, I’m continue to hold that Obama has won Nevada.

Also, now that Obama has finished first in Iowa and Nevada, and tied for first in New Hampshire, I think we should be asking the question, is it possible for Obama to run the table in the Democratic primary? Has Obama already overcome a full year of dedicated media coverage of the anointed candidate, Hillary Clinton? To answer my own questions, no to the former and yes to the latter. This is going to be a real dogfight, but we have to recognize beyond a doubt that Obama has proven he can beat Hillary Clinton.

The Asterisk

This may be the most devastating use of the asterisk I’ve ever seen. Paul Krugman begins a post on his blog comparing entrepreneurship during the Reagan and Clinton years with this line:

One thing that struck me about Obama’s apparent assertion that Reaganism represented a justified reaction against the excesses of liberalism.*

Where does that asterisk lead?

*In my next life I want to have legions of devoted followers who will fiercely declare that I didn’t really mean what I seem to have said, and that anyone who thinks I did must be a paid shill.

Ouch.

Let me propose The Krugman Rule, which is, if you are a left leaning Democratic candidate and you pick a fight with Paul Krugman, you will lose that fight badly.

Avoid Leaps of Faith

Politicians qua candidates should not have political philosophies, strategies, or motives that demand they be treated like an onion, requiring a voter (or blogger) to peal back multiple layers of meaning and subtext to get at what someone really meant when they say or do something.

One of the defenses I’ve seen from people who don’t think we should be bothered by Obama’s comments praising Reagan is that this and other rhetorical and policy moves towards the right are really some sort of political jiu jitsu akin to George W. Bush campaigning as a compassionate conservative, then bolting to the right after attaining office. This may be Obama’s intention. If it is, I’ll rejoice when I see President Obama push for any number of progressive policy proposals to the left what he has offered during the campaign.

But as Obama remains in a Democratic primary which will be decided overwhelmingly by Democratic voters, this strikes me as a very bad idea. It asks progressive partisans and movementarians to take a leap of faith and hope that his comments about Reagan, Krugman, Bill Clinton, and health care mandates are nothing more than political gamesmanship to pull the wool over the eyes of right-leaning voters.

This probably only applies to the harden Democratic base, but I think any candidate whose words and action constitutes a request by voters to take a leap of faith by voting for them is a bad idea. It might work for less committed supporters of progressive values, but it is clearly has prompted serious push back by the blogs.

The Upside of Dodd as Obama’s VP

Douglas Burns of the Iowa Independent has posted his list of the ten people Barack Obama should consider as his pick for vice president. Atop the list: Senator Chris Dodd. Burns argues:

1. Chris Dodd. I have had the theory that Dodd would make a strong running mate for Obama should the Illinois senator get the Democratic nomination — even though this would run counter to conventional wisdom about picking a vice presidenntial candidate from a key state (Florida or Ohio) or going with a Southerner or Latino.

As I reported earlier, Dr. Steven Kraus of Carroll observed something several weeks ago at the Jefferson-Jackson dinner: Dodd, a U.S. senator from Connecticut, and Obama clearly have respect for each other.

Dodd is simply a classy senator who can answer questions with reliable competency. Yes, the Southwest likely will determine the 2008 election, and sure, a Richardson vice presidential nomination makes sense because of this. But Dodd is fluent in Spanish as I saw firsthand when Lorena Lopez of La Prensa and I conducted a joint interview with him. If Obama gets the nomination Dodd complements him in a number of ways as a running mate — including his ability to campaign in Spanish.

Dodd won’t make mistakes out there and with his reassuring white hair, the elder statesman would be a nice balance for Obama. Youth and wisdom. Age and experience.

I worked for Chris Dodd because I thought he was the best person to be President, so it’s not surprising that I think Dodd should be on the short list for Obama, as well as Hillary Clinton and John Edwards. I think Burns raises some very good points about Dodd’s upside for Obama, but I’ll make a few more.

I’ll start with a pre-buttal of the apparent downside of Dodd for Obama. The natural hit from the Beltway punditocracy on Obama picking Dodd will be that in picking an experienced Senator, Obama has drawn attention to his inexperience. But this argument only holds if you presume that no one – not the press, not the GOP, not off-message surrogates – will highlight Obama’s relative inexperience in Washington politics and use that as a line of critique. Of course, we know that Obama qua nominee will face a heavy line of criticism for his short tenure in the Senate. Nothing he can do, including his VP pick, will change that.

Even if he were to pick a younger, more transformational VP to go along with his message of change (Kathleen Sebelius or John Edwards come to mind), you know the Beltway set will criticize his pick for not adding the “needed” balance of experience – his own Dick Cheney – to the Democratic ticket. And trust me, they won’t just be putting Obama through this wringer – any Democratic nominee will face intense scrutiny that seeks the most negative side of any decision from both the GOP and the Beltway press.

Leaving the foreseeable bunk flinging aside, here’s why I think Dodd is a good pick for Obama.

Dodd’s experience would be a tremendous asset for any of our nominees. From two and a half decades on the Foreign Relations Committee and extensive work negotiating ends to wars in Latin America and Northern Ireland, to one of the longest resumes of landmark domestic legislation with his name on it, to longtime experience monitoring the financial sector, Dodd brings tangible experience as a guy who gets things done in Washington. If a large part of Obama’s critique of DC partisanship preventing our government from getting substantive results for the good of the country, Dodd stands clearly as an example of someone who has been able to build bipartisan consensus around progressive Democratic principles. That strikes me as valuable.

A post-Cheney VP will have to redefine the role of the office (as well as reaffirm its existence as part of the executive branch). But that doesn’t mean that we need to regress to Dan Quayle contradicting school children on the spelling of “potato.” I don’t see inherent harm in structuring an administration in such a way that the other elected member of the executive branch plays a formative role in governance outside the halls of the Senate.

If I were Barack Obama, I would establish the role of his VP in advance of being elected and use it as a hammering point on the campaign trail. In the case of Dodd, the natural role would be as the person tasked with bottom lining the success of Obama’s legislative agenda. Obama and his policy team should pick what they want to get done in his first term and then hand the ball off to Vice President Dodd to get it done. Be up front about it: Dodd will quarterback Obama’s legislative agenda and he will get it done.

I think it’s an easy sell (but then again, I’m something of a partisan). In Obama’s narrative, change is a means to secure results. The Dodd campaign was largely framed around his career of getting results, so he could slot in on the back-end of the Obama message with relative ease while not taking away from the primacy of Obama’s change candidacy. In this scenario, Dodd is Obama’s answer to how he will ensure that an Obama presidency can bring change. Obama will be able to answer questions of his ability to get results in DC with extreme confidence, “What, are you kidding me? Dodd’s my guy – together we’ll get it done. I trust him and he’s extremely well respected on both sides of the aisle in DC. If you don’t think VP Dodd will get it done, you don’t know a one thing about Washington.

In short, I agree with Burns that Dodd probably adds a tremendous amount to an Obama ticket. I’m not going to go into the comparative merits of Dodd over any other Democrat out there (though I cringe at Burns’ list including two prominent Republicans, Dick Lugar and Bobby Jindal). This is an exercise in pure political speculation.

And to preempt whatever questioning may come about my knowledge of Dodd’s future plans, I do not know if he would pursue or accept a request to be on anyone’s ticket as vice president. I do not know if he will endorse anyone or who he would endorse. I’m speaking solely for myself here.