Stiglitz on income inequality

Joseph Stiglitz has a must-read piece in Vanity Fair this month, titled, “Of the 1%, by the 1%, for the 1%.” There’s too much great analysis in it quote adequately, so I’ll just tease this part:

But one big part of the reason we have so much inequality is that the top 1 percent want it that way. The most obvious example involves tax policy. Lowering tax rates on capital gains, which is how the rich receive a large portion of their income, has given the wealthiest Americans close to a free ride. Monopolies and near monopolies have always been a source of economic power—from John D. Rockefeller at the beginning of the last century to Bill Gates at the end. Lax enforcement of anti-trust laws, especially during Republican administrations, has been a godsend to the top 1 percent. Much of today’s inequality is due to manipulation of the financial system, enabled by changes in the rules that have been bought and paid for by the financial industry itself—one of its best investments ever. The government lent money to financial institutions at close to 0 percent interest and provided generous bailouts on favorable terms when all else failed. Regulators turned a blind eye to a lack of transparency and to conflicts of interest.

America’s inequality distorts our society in every conceivable way. There is, for one thing, a well-documented lifestyle effect—people outside the top 1 percent increasingly live beyond their means. Trickle-down economics may be a chimera, but trickle-down behaviorism is very real. Inequality massively distorts our foreign policy. The top 1 percent rarely serve in the military—the reality is that the “all-volunteer” army does not pay enough to attract their sons and daughters, and patriotism goes only so far. Plus, the wealthiest class feels no pinch from higher taxes when the nation goes to war: borrowed money will pay for all that. Foreign policy, by definition, is about the balancing of national interests and national resources. With the top 1 percent in charge, and paying no price, the notion of balance and restraint goes out the window. There is no limit to the adventures we can undertake; corporations and contractors stand only to gain. The rules of economic globalization are likewise designed to benefit the rich: they encourage competition among countries for business, which drives down taxes on corporations, weakens health and environmental protections, and undermines what used to be viewed as the “core” labor rights, which include the right to collective bargaining. Imagine what the world might look like if the rules were designed instead to encourage competition among countries for workers. Governments would compete in providing economic security, low taxes on ordinary wage earners, good education, and a clean environment—things workers care about. But the top 1 percent don’t need to care.

It is all a very sad, scary picture. But it’s time to confront it and offer policy solutions that seek to tilt the balance in the other direction and stop the massive transfer of wealth from working Americans to the top 1%.

Ryan’s Austerity Budget

Duncan Black seems to be the only person who regularly tries to remind people that Republicans won big in 2010 by criticizing Democrats for trying to take away Medicare.  What’s so bizarre about Ryan’s budget plan, which includes a massive privatization and the effective destruction of Medicare for everyone under 55, is that it ignores what was for the GOP good politics in favor of a policy agenda rife with political risk. Duncan writes:

For some reason only crazy liberal bloggers watching political campaign ads on the teevee in their basements noticed that GOP candidates’ only semi-substantive issue in the last election was an attack on Obama Medicare cuts. And they went hard on it. And old people freaked.

David Brooks says the Ryan budget, “will become the 2012 Republican platform, no matter who is the nominee.” As Ryan moves his plan forward and it becomes the center of debate, Democrats have the opening to basically do exactly what the GOP did in 2010. Dems can run on defending Medicare and while correctly attack Republicans for wanting to take it away.

Ezra Klein points out that even if Ryan doesn’t get everything he wants, a “compromised” version of his plan would still be a huge win for Republicans seeking to destroy social programs in the US:

Ryan is beginning the debate far to the right. He won’t get everything he wants, but if he gets 50 percent of what he wants, or even 35 percent, it’ll be the most dramatic victory that conservatives have scored against the social safety net in a generation — larger, at least in dollar terms, than anything done to welfare in 1996.

The one wrinkle in this is that for the most part would be an outcome the White House would be fine with. After all, it was the president who put together a deficit commission, which Paul Ryan served on. The details on what a solution look like may be different, but Obama and Ryan do share the belief that entitlement spending is a problem that needs to be solved now. As Atrios wrote a few days ago, “one party says big spending cuts are necessary but sorta sad, one party says spending cuts are necessary and awesome.”

All of this adds up to a bizarre situation where politically Democrats are in a position to protect Medicare and other entitlement programs, while ideologically the people controlling the Democratic Party seem unlikely to actually use this political advantage, as they too want to see spending cuts. It’s not shocking to me that Republicans want to speed up the transfer of wealth from working people to wealthy elites; this is who they are and they’ve never been shy about it. What is incredibly frustrating and disempowering is the extent to which Democrats will, in some way or another, end up going along with this because they too want the same outcome, they’ll just feel a bit worse about it. Sure, they’ll want to be seen as opposing it, but unless the counter-offer from Democrats is not only making no cuts, but expanding spending for the social safety net, this opposition will be based on the premise set by the Republicans that there is a budget crisis and a deficit crisis and cuts must be made (but never raising revenues!). I hope I’m wrong, but I’m not ready to be optimistic about how Ryan’s budget will be fought against.

60 Minutes on Foreclosure

http://cnettv.cnet.com/av/video/cbsnews/atlantis2/cbsnews_player_embed.swf

I agree with Yves Smith take on this piece:

this 60 Minutes report covers familiar ground. However, the fact that the story is coming now shows that even with bank efforts to pretend that there is nothing to see here, in fact the problems are widespread and difficult to solve. This segment, as highlighted in the text advanced release last Friday, includes a discussion of DocX and the practice of using “surrogate signers“, which are temps signing….in the name of robosigners! Having robosigners relying on corporate authorizations wasn’t low cost enough, apparently. Rather than take the time and effort to have more robosigners authorized (which is already not kosher, as we know, since the robosigners were attesting to have personal knowledge when they clearly didn’t), they went beyond providing bogus affidavits to having workers engage in forgery.

It also showed the work of NACA, but didn’t provide the most crisp description of the NACA process and how it addresses servicer bottlenecks (see here for more details). But it does feature Lynn Szymoniak and the procedures of the now-shuttered DocX, the infamous document fabricating subsidiary of LPS.

So consider this an interesting view of the state of play. The MSM is willing to cover practices that banks have been forced to admit they engage in and they claim to be cleaning up. This is helpful in terms of public outrage, as in validating the charges made on specialist blogs for blogs for more than two years, but is still far from the hot button issues now, such as servicer-driven fraud or chain of title problems.

The Guardian Project

orbot
Tor+Android=Orbot

Nancy Scola at techPresident has a long article about The Guardian Project, an effort lead by my friend Nathan Freitas, that seeks to create secure software for mobile communications. Mobile devices are critically important for activists, dissidents, and leaders of change movements. But most are incredibly insecure and using them can put activists at risk. The Guardian Project seeks to make open-source technology that gives people the ability to talk, message, browse the web, and store data securely on their mobile devices.

[T]he Guardian Project is working on tools to make those devices more secure. Their flagship product is Orbot, an implementation of Tor, a network of servers that routes users in ways that obscure where they’re coming from and where they’re going. Freitas built Orbot with computer security expert Jacob Applebaum. And then there’s Gibber, an encrypted, firewall-evading chat application. The Secure Smart Camera App is an innovation in the works with Witness.org, the group that sprang up after the Rodney King beating in Los Angeles that works to document situations where human rights are at risk. The camera app aims to use automatic facial recognition software to obscure identifies on video taken from mobile phones. It uploads the documentary footage extra-slowly. That’s useful not only in low-bandwidth spots on the globe, but for shielding the video from network censors by making it look like any other type of Internet traffic. There are plans in the works for a “poison pill” program that would allow you or an ally to wipe your phone clean in a dangerous situation. (All Guardians apps in progress are listed on their website.)

This is some of the most inspiring and important work I see taking place at the nexus between technology and progressive activism.