Landed Gentry

It’s hard to look at the quotes in SEIU’s “Scary Movie” video and not take note of the fact that Big Business and the GOP leadership are engaging in class warfare against working Americans. D-Day writes:

Apparently, allowing workers making something approaching the minimum wage the ability to collectively bargain instead of having their rights trampled by management, their organizers fired, their workplaces shut down rather than stay a union shop, and their colleagues intimidated is the central threat to the very fabric of American life. Hearing these landed gentry talk using the language of end-times apocalypse is pretty nuts.

Empowering Enemies or Creating Effective Bogeymen?

Hillary Clinton’s internet guru Peter Daou has a very interesting column on Huffington Post today, asking “Why on Earth Are Democrats Legitimizing and Empowering Rush Limbaugh?” I think evaluating whether or not elevating an ideologue like Limbaugh is valuable. Daou’s posts and the comments and his detailed updates reveal a lot of thought on the issue and I encourage you to read it.

That said, I look at the Limbaugh question in a similar way to how I think about people like Sarah Palin or Bobby Jindal. The Republican Party is hemorraging support now. It lacks ideological direction that appeals to people outside the geographic south, the super rich, or religious conservatives. It is moving quickly towards being a regional political party. They are without a rudder now and that gives Democrats and more specifically liberal bloggers and talking heads the opportunity to define the GOP for the public and for the media. In this case, picking an objectionable character, known for regularly and repeatedly offending vast swaths makes sense. Likewise picking inept liars like Jindal or clueless not ready for primte time players like Palin also makes sense.

Limbaugh is a cipher for how we can define the GOP. Coincidentally he actually is becoming their party’s biggest spokesman. I love a situation where the choice between Democrats and Republicans is between Barack Obama and Rush Limbaugh precisely because Limbaugh cannot play at Obama’s level. Does it give him more profile than he deserves? Yes, I would love to see him marginalized entirely, but I think elevating him in the short run may lead to that in the longer run.

In the mean time, we need to continue to talk about the positive Democratic agenda on the economy, Iraq, the rule of law. Doing this gives us a massive platform to show people what we are doing and when people look at the two, they will continue to choose Democrats over Republicans when Americans go to the polls.

Failure to Launch: Newt & Saul

Last Friday, Newt Gingrich rolled out a big anti-Employee Free Choice petition drive, at CPAC. His group, called AmericanSolutions.com, brought on former Michigan GOP chair and RNC chair finalist Saul Anuzis to manage the new media campaign. Key to their launch at CPAC was a bribe for joining up – they were giving away a free Nintendo Wii for getting people signed up against Employee Free Choice. After all, how can rights and a stronger economy measure against a free video game system?

Oddly the petition drive didn’t get off to a great start. By around midday on Friday, there were less than 40 signatories. I tweeted, somewhat ironically:

Anti-American Worker FAIL: @newtgingrich‘s anti-free choice petition tells how many have signed. Why do these 39 ppl hate the secret ballot?

The bigger point was that one of the GOP’s biggest figures was unveiling a petition drive at the biggest conservative conference, brought on a finalist for the RNC chair, and in the opening hours with major press attention had only garnered 39 signups (at least a few of whom were union organizers and progressive bloggers who want to know what Newt’s people are saying). It was a miserable turnout and one that was fairly funny in its meager scale.

Fast forward to Monday afternoon. Jefferson Morley of the Washington Independent has an article up on Gingrich and Anuzis’ efforts online against the Employee Free Choice Act. Morley writes:

So far, the Anuzis card check campaign on AmericanSolutions.com is based on one such question (When given the statement, “Every worker should continue to have the right to a federally supervised secret ballot election when deciding whether to organize a union,” 77 percent agreed.), with a video that clocks in at 49 seconds, and an online petition that, as of Monday afternoon, had  been signed by 555 people.

As I write this, the Anuzis/Gingrich petition is at 598 people. CPAC and its thousands of participants had gone on for two days in the interim, there was major blog and news coverage of the Anuzis/Gingrich new media effort against Free Choice, and yet this massive new media campaign can’t scrape together 600 dead enders to stand with Newt and Saul against America’s workers.

Maybe Newt and Saul need to up the ante and pony up for an XBox 360 or throw in a year’s supply of Cheetos and Mountain Dew Code Red?

Disclosure: I’m proud to work for the Service Employees International Union. This post was neither approved by nor written with the knowledge of SEIU. It represents my views alone.

It’s All Our Fault

It’s official, the Chinese government wants you to laugh at them:

But a government policy document and the People’s Daily, the paper of the China’s ruling Communist Party, both said contention over the remote mountain region was stoked by Western governments and groups seeking to contain the country’s rise.

“It is thus clear that the so-called ‘Tibet issue’ is by no means an ethnic, religious and human rights issue; rather, it is the Western anti-China forces attempt to restrain, split and demonize China,” said a policy “white paper” issued by the State Council Information Office, a publicity arm of the government.

Such white papers are used to sum up official thinking on issues.

This is just rich. Official Chinese government policy is to blame their massive internal problems on Westerners. It’s hard to believe that this is really meant for anything other than ginning up internal nationalistic xenophobia to bolster the ruling Communist Party. Either they’re promoting this sort of vitriolic hate out of self-interest or out of delusion. Neither prospect is encouraging for the ability for China to be a respected peer in the global community.

Secrecy and Executive Power

Glenn Greenwald’s description of the common liberal sentiment that “Bush’s secrecy theories and assertions of unchallengeable executive power were grave and tyrannical threats to liberty” is spot-on. But as Greenwald notes, these same assertions of power and privilege are no less grave in the Obama administration. The similarities between the Obama administration’s response to the 9th Circuit Court’s ruling in the Al-Haramain case, requiring the government to turn over classified information and the legal views espoused under the Bush-Cheney administration by the likes of John Yoo and David Addington are simply stunning.

I expect better from the Obama administration. They must be able to make decisions that honor the Constitution. President Obama must not only have, but seek out, counsel that prioritizes the rule of law over the preservation and protection of executive branch powers.

I don’t know if the Obama administration’s response to the 9th Circuit ruling is due to the advice of President Obama, Vice President Biden, AG Eric Holder, dead ender US attorneys from the Bush administration, or a combination of these people.  But to paraphrase John McCain, either President Obama or someone who values the Constitution and isn’t going to like this (Dodd, Feingold & Leahy come to mind), should get his cohort in the room and tell them to stop the bullshit. We didn’t elect President Obama to preserve the Bush administration’s anti-contistutional executive power grab. We elected him to end it.

Update:

Welcome to readers of Glenn Greenwald’s Unclaimed Territory!

“It is happening and everyone knows”

Lhadon Tethong, executive director of Students for a Free Tibet, has a must-read post up on Tibet Will Be Free about the similarities between this year’s protests inside Tibet and last year’s national uprising.

News from Tibet says that there are protests here and there. All of us on the outside are scrambling to find out the details. We call Dharamsala, New York, London, Beijing, trying to work out what exactly happened. Once we piece together the story we take it to the world.

Again there are so few images. And so far, no moving images. No video. Nothing to show on TV.

But it is happening and everyone knows. We know. 6 million Tibetans and hundreds of thousands of Chinese police, soldiers and officials know.

Just like last year, and the year before that, and fifty years before that, there is a heroic battle raging at the highest point of the earth. It is a test of wills between a people with nothing but faith and a State without a soul.

I know the people will win. They always do when they have this kind of feeling.

As if to prove her point, today we find out that monks in Sey monastery have held a mass demonstration calling for greater rights and freedom.

There is an imperative in the search for freedom. On a long enough time scale, the life expectancy of every dictatorship, every unjust occupation, drops to zero. The Chinese Communist Party has ruled Tibet with an iron fist for what is about the outside edge of most modern dictatorial occupations – over half a century. In this time, they have not come close to extinguishing the Tibetan fire for freedom.

I spent a good amount of time while I was growing up going to school in Ireland. As a result, I also spent a good amount of time learning about the history of England’s occupation of Ireland and the eventual creation of a free republic in twenty-six of Ireland’s thirty-two counties. One of the most important events in the march towards independence for Ireland was the 1916 Easter Uprising, a failed attempt by Irish Republicans to cast off English rule through a poorly executed national violent uprising. Though poor communications, informants, and not enough popular support doomed the Easter Uprising to failure, it played a critical role nonetheless. The English government enacted a harsh crackdown on the Irish Republican Brotherhood, sending over 3,500 people to jail. They executed fifteen of the rebellions leaders, though some had little to nothing to do with it. These harsh actions did more to galvanize public support for Republicanism than the uprising itself.  England created martyrs for Ireland and their response hastened the end of their occupation in Ireland.

Last year’s national uprising was undoubtedly an expression of Tibetan’s unwavering desire to be free, a desire shared by all people. The sentiment was felt across Tibet, in all areas and amongst all sorts of people – monks and nuns, nomads and herders, city dwellers and business owners. Last year’s uprising happened because Tibetans want to be free.

But this year there is an added factor, something we see in many of the quotes coming out to the press. China killed thousands of Tibetans in last year’s crackdown on uprising, according to Tibetans inside Tibet. Thousands more have been disappeared and even more languish in jail. Tim Johnson of McClatchy News quoted one Tibetan herder saying: ““After I die, my sons and grandsons will remember. They will hate the government.” This is what China has wrought with their iron-fisted rule.

China’s crackdown on Tibetans, their use of massive shows of military and police force, surveillance cameras, travel restrictions, harsh prison sentences for thought crimes, and violence in response to peaceful protest had added fuel to the fire inside Tibet. Tibetans still know they deserve rights and freedom and they are speaking out for it. But China’s actions have only created a greater imperative for freedom in the minds of Tibetans inside Tibet. They are saying so in their few interviews with western reporters or contacts in the outside world. But more importantly, they are doing so with their continued acts of fearless protest, for they know the consequences for the words they say, the songs and prayers they chant, the pictures they hold, and the banned flag they wave.

Like Lhadon, I agree that the people will win. I hope that Tibetan’s inside Tibet know this too. And as we saw with the tight lockdown of the latest media junket to Tibet, China seems to know it as well and are reacting in the only way that most assures Tibetans will continue their drive towards freedom. It is happening and everyone knows.

New Media Junket to Tibet

Reuters reporter Emma Graham-Harrison has a very revealing article about her hyper-managed trip to Tibet, dealing with a tour where certain impressions were forced on her by Chinese government minders.

“It’s amazing. The day before you arrived, Lhasa became suddenly peaceful again,” quipped one taxi driver.

When we were taken to a provincial town, police lined many of the villages along our route, their backs to the road so they could keep a close eye on clusters of locals. Officials would not explain why they were there.

The message Beijing seemed keen to convey was that Tibet was stable and prospering. Yet the careful attempts at managing our perceptions served only to create the opposite impression.

The watchful police, disappearing soldiers, sequestered monks, and days packed with irrelevant visits left me convinced that China thinks Tibet is dangerously volatile, and worries about both its grip on the place and international opinion.

The one thing I am still unsure about, despite my best efforts, is the opinions of ordinary Tibetans outside the government apparatus that showed us around.

Beyond a raised eyebrow or an unhappy grimace, none wanted to open up.

“It’s difficult here. We don’t dare talk” was the best I could get.

This is a different style of censorship than what we regularly see inside Tibet, but something that is familiar for foreign reporters. After last year’s national uprising, China did a couple of hyper-supervised media junkets. At that time a group of monks effectively crashed the party and spent time pouring their hearts out to the journalists, telling them about the crackdown and their desires for rights and freedom and the return of the Dalai Lama. Obviously that didn’t happen again for Graham-Harrison, but as she says, the supervision of the junket shows disorder, not order, in Tibet.